Iran · Population & Labour 1395–1405
A data story on Iran's population and labour market · 1395 to 1405 (2016–2026)

Unemployment fell,
but employment did not rise.

NEW ENTRANTS TO THE LABOUR FORCE
17/100
Of every 100 people who reached working age, only 17 entered the labour force.
Iran's unemployment rate fell from 12.4% in 1395 to 7.5% in 1404 — the lowest figure in two decades. Yet the employment-to-population ratio — the share of the working-age population actually in work — moved from 37.8% to 37.5% over the same nine years. The economy did not create jobs in proportion to the growth of the working-age population. Most of the apparent improvement comes from people leaving the labour market, not from people entering work.
The core gap:falling unemployment ≠ rising employment
Sources: Iran's official statistical and civil-registration agencies — full source list and methodology in the technical appendix.
Official unemployment rate, 1404
7.5%
from 12.4% in 1395 · −4.9 pp
Labour force participation rate, 1404
40.6%
from 43.2% in 1395 · −2.6 pp
Employment-to-population ratio, aged 15+
37.5%
from 37.8% in 1395 · essentially unchanged
Unemployment adjusted to 1395 participation
13.1%
Had participation not fallen, the official 7.5% would not hold
The absent half: economically inactive population, 15+
+5.5million
added over nine years · neither employed nor unemployed
Youth unemployment, aged 15–24, spring 1405
23.4%
Spring 1404: 19.7% · +3.7 pp
Registered births, 1404
892thousand
from 1,528 thousand in 1395 · −41.6%
Women's share of total employment, 1404
15.2%
while 51.9% of university students are women
SEVEN KEY FINDINGS, IN ORDER OF WEIGHT
ACT 1

The single-digit illusion: unemployment fell because the labour market emptied out

The unemployment rate is a fraction with a moving denominator. When people stop looking for work they drop out of that denominator, and the rate falls without a single job being created. To measure how much of the improvement is real, we recompute the rate holding the participation rate constant .

+6.62million
Growth in population aged 15+, 1395 to 1404
+1.11million
Growth in the labour force (employed + unemployed)
+5.51million
Growth in the inactive population
16.8%
Share of new working-age entrants absorbed by the labour market

Official unemployment against the participation-adjusted rate

The hatched area is hidden unemployment: the difference between the official figure and what would be reported if participation had stayed at its base-year level. Change the base year with the slider below.

Official unemployment rate Rate adjusted to base-year participation Hidden unemployment (adjusted rate higher) Genuine improvement (adjusted rate lower)
Data: Statistical Center of Iran, "Population aged 15+ by economic activity status" and "Labour force participation rate". The adjusted rate is derived in the methodology section.

Choose the participation base year

The question is simple: if the share of people entering the labour market had stayed at its base-year level, what would unemployment be today? Employment counts stay exactly as published and are never touched; only the size of the labour force is recomputed.

7.5%
Official rate, 1404
13.1%
Adjusted rate, 1404
1,740
Hidden unemployed (thousands)
+5.6
Gap (pp)

What became of the 6.62 million who reached working age in nine years

Each square is one percent of the net addition to the population aged 15+ between 1395 and 1404.

Entered the labour force — 17% Stayed inactive — 83%
Calculation: growth in the labour force over these nine years (1,114 thousand) divided by growth in the population aged 15+ (6,620 thousand) equals 16.8%. Squares are rounded.

Three rates, three different stories

Unemployment collapsed, participation declined, and the employment ratio — which is insensitive to both — barely moved.

Unemployment rate Participation rate employment-to-population ratio
All three indicators are for the population aged 15+, nationwide. Source: Statistical Center of Iran.

The same pattern everywhere: urban and rural, women and men

If the fall in unemployment were real, different groups would show different patterns. Instead, all four repeat the same thing: the unemployment line falls and the participation line falls with it. Both charts show the same four groups over the same years.

Unemployment rate
Participation rate
Rural areas record lower unemployment than urban ones, but their participation fell faster: −3.8 pp against −2.2 pp in cities. Women have the worst combination — unemployment two and a half times that of men, participation one-fifth of theirs.
Why this chart matters: A simultaneous fall in unemployment and participation across four independent groups is not coincidence. It is the same effect seen at national level, which means the phenomenon is structural rather than specific to any one group.

DATA

Between 1395 and 1404 the population aged 15+ went from 59.5 to 66.1 million (+11.1%). Over the same period the employed rose by 2.30 million, the unemployed fell by 1.18 million, and the inactive population grew by 5.51 million.

Participation went from 43.2% to 40.6% and the employment ratio from 37.8% to 37.5% .

ANALYSIS

The adjusted rate shows two distinct phases. Between 1395 and 1398 the improvement was real : the adjusted rate also fell from 12.4% to 8.9% . From 1399 onward the two diverge; the official rate reaches 7.5% while the adjusted rate locks into a 12–14% band.

In other words, almost all of the reported improvement after 1399 is explained by the relative shrinking of the labour market, not by job creation.

CONCLUSION

The unemployment rate has become a misleading indicator for this economy. The alternative proposed here is the employment-to-population ratio , which fell 0.3 pp in nine years and tells the truer story: Iran's economy has not created jobs in proportion to its growing working-age population.

Any policy that measures its own success by the unemployment rate is exposed to this error.

ACT 2

The absent half: the country invests in women and then does not use them

For the first time in the available statistics, women form the majority of Iran's university students. In the very same year, women's labour force participation hit its lowest level of the decade. The two lines move in opposite directions.

51.9%
Women's share of university students, 1403–1404
13.4%
Women's participation rate, 1404
15.2%
Estimated share of women in total employment
86.6%
Women aged 15+ outside the labour force

The human-capital scissors

Women's share of higher-education enrolment against women's labour force participation. Both as percentages, on one axis.

Women's share of students Women's participation rate Women's employment ratio
The 1394–1395 academic year is aligned with calendar year 1395 (each academic year is assigned to the calendar year of its second half). Sources: Ministry of Science, Research and Technology; Statistical Center of Iran.

In 1403–1404, 52 of every 100 university students were women. In 1404, of every 100 employed people only about 15 were women.

The gender gap in the labour market, 1404

Three key labour market indicators by gender. The length of each bar is the size of the gap.

Men Women
Source: Statistical Center of Iran, labour force indicators for 1404.

Where do women study?

Gender composition of students by major field of study, 1403–1404. The figure beside each bar is the total enrolment in that field.

Source: Ministry of Science, Research and Technology. Total enrolment: 3,503,179.

DATA

Women's share of students rose from 46.1% in 1394–1395 to 51.9% in 1403–1404. Over the same period women's participation fell from 16.3% to 13.4% and their employment ratio from 12.9% to 11.4% .

Women are the majority in art (69.5%), basic sciences (68.7%), medicine (58.8%) and humanities (57.8%), and a minority in engineering (24.8%).

ANALYSIS

The fall in women's unemployment from 20.7% to 15.0% looks positive at first glance, but it happened alongside a fall in their employment ratio — the Act 1 pattern, only sharper. The official definition does not count an educated woman who has stopped actively searching as unemployed.

The mix of fields matters too: industry — which provides 32.8% of national employment — draws on a field where only a quarter of students are women.

CONCLUSION

Iran's largest untapped human resource is 28.7 million economically inactive women aged 15+ — a population larger than everyone currently employed in the country.

If women's participation returned merely to its 1397 level (17.6%), roughly 1.4 million people would join the labour force. That is the return on an investment the country has already made in educating them.

ACT 3

Warning bell, spring 1405: where the decade-long trend broke

The most recent quarterly data in this dataset marks the first serious reversal. Comparing spring 1405 with spring 1404 — like-for-like quarters, which cancels out seasonality — unemployment did not merely rise; the absolute number of employed people fell.

−451 thousand
Change in employment, spring 1405 against spring 1404 (thousands)
+483 thousand
Change in the number of unemployed (thousands)
9.1%
Unemployment rate, spring 1405 (spring 1404: 7.3%)
23.4%
Unemployment rate, aged 15–24

The last five quarters: total, youth and women's unemployment

All three series jumped together in spring 1405 — the signature of a general shock rather than noise in one group.

All aged 15+ Aged 15–24 Aged 18–35 Women aged 15+
Source: Statistical Center of Iran, Labour Force Survey, spring 1404 to spring 1405.

Where did the shock come from? Sector employment change, spring 1405 against spring 1404

Sector headcounts are estimated by multiplying each sector's share by total employment in that quarter, then differenced.

Author's estimate based on the Statistical Center's "Share of employment in major economic sectors" and "Employed population". Because shares are published to one decimal place, the rounding error per sector is about ±12 thousand — far smaller than the change observed in industry.

Where did the new jobs come from? Nine years, three sectors

Official data publish each sector's share as a percentage , and percentages can deceive: agriculture's share fell, but did it lose jobs or merely grow more slowly? Switch to "Headcount" to see the same data in people. The answer is unambiguous.

−582
Change in agricultural employment, 1395 to 1404 (thousands)
+956
Change in industrial employment (thousands)
+1,897
Change in services employment (thousands)
83%
Services' share of all net jobs added
Author's calculation: each sector's percentage share multiplied by that year's employed population. Total net employment growth over these nine years comes to 2,271 thousand, matching the independent figure of 2,297 thousand (the difference in employed population) to within rounding error.
What this chart shows: Over these nine years agriculture lost not just share but jobs — nearly 582 thousand of them. Almost all net national employment growth came from services, a sector with lower average productivity and job stability than industry. The composition of employment is as much a concern as its volume.
Why this quarter matters: Throughout 1395–1404, falling unemployment came alongside stable or slowly rising employment. Spring 1405 is the first quarter where both deteriorate at once: fewer jobs and more unemployed. This pattern cannot be explained by people leaving the labour market — the labour force stayed almost flat (+32 thousand). What changed is that 451 thousand people moved from the employed column to the unemployed one.

DATA

Spring 1405: population 15+ at 66,671 thousand (+828 thousand against spring 1404), labour force 27,136 (+32), employed 24,672 (−451), unemployed 2,464 (+483).

Industry's share of employment fell from 33.0% to 31.0% ; services rose from 52.4% to 53.8% and agriculture from 14.6% to 15.1% .

ANALYSIS

Translating shares into headcounts shows industry lost about 643 thousand jobs, while services added only 110 thousand and agriculture 58 thousand. The shock originates almost entirely in industry.

The simultaneous rise in agriculture's share — a sector shrinking throughout the decade — is the classic signature of labour taking refuge in informal, low-productivity work during a contraction.

CONCLUSION

This is a turning point, not noise. For the first time in the period studied, growth in the working-age population has coincided with an absolute decline in employment.

Methodological caveat: this finding rests on a single quarter and should be checked against summer and autumn 1405. That said, the size of the move (1.8 pp on the unemployment rate) exceeds any seasonal fluctuation recorded in this dataset.

ACT 4

The empty cradle: the demographic engine is shutting down

So far we have talked about the people who exist. This act is about those who do not. Registered births fell 41.6% in nine years — and the decline accelerated in the last two.

−41.6%
Change in registered births, 1395 to 1404
+24.4%
Change in registered deaths over the same period
−62.7%
Change in natural increase (births minus deaths)
4.1 ← 1.9
Birth-to-death ratio

The vital scissors: births and deaths on a collision course

The hatched area is natural population increase. In 1395 there were 4.1 births for every death; by 1404 that ratio had fallen to 1.9.

Registered births Registered deaths Natural population increase
Source: National Organization for Civil Registration. The male birth figure for 1395 has been corrected (see the data-cleaning section); the correction does not affect total births. The 1399 and 1400 spike in deaths reflects the COVID-19 pandemic.

Marriages fell 39%, divorces did not budge

Bars are event counts; the dashed line is divorces per 100 marriages in the same year.

Marriages fell Divorces Divorces per 100 marriages (right axis)
Source: National Organization for Civil Registration. The ratio is computed within the same calendar year and is not a measure of divorce within a marriage cohort.
A dependable relationship: the correlation between marriages in a given year and births in the following year is 0.95 over this period (same-year correlation: 0.89). Because marriage is a time-lagged driver of births, the fall in marriages to 432 thousand in 1404 — the lowest of the period — means the decline in births continues at least through 1405 and is already locked into today's data.

Households keep shrinking

Average household size from the 1335 census to 1400. The urban–rural difference has all but disappeared.

National Urban Rural
Source: Statistical Center of Iran. Census intervals are uneven; the horizontal axis is scaled to actual years.

DATA

Births: 1,528,053 in 1395 to 892,278 in 1404 (compound annual growth rate −5.8%). Deaths: 369,751 to 459,984 (+2.5% per year). Natural increase: 1,158,302 down to 432,294.

Winter 1404, with 207,578 births, is the lowest-birth quarter recorded in this dataset.

ANALYSIS

Two forces are at work at once: falling births, rooted in fewer marriages and smaller households, and rising deaths, which are largely a product of population ageing rather than deteriorating health. 1399 and 1400 are the COVID exception; after that, deaths returned to their long-run trend.

The fall in rural births (−43.5%) is slightly steeper than in cities (−41.0%), meaning the rural fertility advantage is also disappearing.

CONCLUSION

Iran's natural population increase has shrunk by nearly two-thirds in nine years. This is no longer a slow trend; it accelerated in 1403 and 1404.

Because marriage leads births and marriages hit a period low in 1404, a continued near-term decline is close to certain. Pro-natalist policies, if they are having an effect, are not yet visible in the available data.

ACT 5

The school queue is getting shorter: a wave already on its way

School enrolment peaked at 16.97 million in 1401–1402, an echo of the 1393–1396 birth wave. That wave is over, and what follows is far smaller — something we know not from any forecast but from the number of children already born .

16.86million
School enrolment, 1403–1404 (millions)
−20.1%
Shrinkage of the six-year school-entry cohort
−43.0%
Fall in higher-education graduates, 1394–95 to 1402–03
9.28million
Primary school pupils today (millions)

The peak has passed

The line is registered school enrolment by academic year. It peaks in 1401–1402, echoing the birth wave of 1393 to 1396.

Total registered enrolment, by academic year

And the size of the cohorts still to come

Each bar is the sum of six consecutive years of births — the population that fills the whole of primary school about seven years later. The percentage under each bar is the change from the first window.

Assumptions: near-universal enrolment, negligible child mortality, zero net migration. The bars do not forecast the level of future enrolment — they measure the relative shrinkage of cohorts, which is highly insensitive to those assumptions. The level difference between bars and line partly reflects foreign-national pupils and the absence of birth data before 1395.
A rare certainty in forecasting: a child born in 1404 starts primary school around 1410 and enters the labour market around 1422. The number of those children is already known: 892,278, against 1,528,053 in the 1395 cohort. This is the one part of the demographic future that requires no assumptions at all.

Higher education: students came back, graduates did not

Enrolment is recovering after the sharp 1394–1399 decline, but the number of graduates is still falling.

Students Graduates
Source: Ministry of Science, Research and Technology. Graduate data are published through the 1402–1403 academic year.

DATA

School enrolment: 17.88 million (1380–81) → trough of 13.23 million (1391–92) → peak of 16.97 million (1401–02) → 16.86 million (1403–04).

Total births from 1395 to 1400 come to 7,808,954; from 1399 to 1404, 6,235,729.

ANALYSIS

School enrolment mirrors the birth wave with a six-to-seven-year lag. Since births have fallen continuously from 1395, enrolment enters a sustained decline from around 1405–1406: first in primary, then with a lag in secondary and higher education.

The 43% drop in graduates happened while enrolment has been rising since 1400 — pointing to a mix of weak intakes in the intervening years and, plausibly, more dropouts or longer time-to-degree.

CONCLUSION

The country is on the verge of a major reorganisation of educational infrastructure: surplus capacity in primary schools within a few years, then in secondary schools and universities.

On the other side, the flow of young workers into the economy will be markedly thinner after about 1415. Iran's demographic window — the period when the working-age share is high — is closing, while (per Act 1) it has yet to be fully used.

ACT 6

Official projections under strain

The "Population and Human Resources" sheet places two things side by side that are rarely compared: the population projection to 1415 and actual birth and death statistics. Put them together and a gap appears — one that has widened rapidly in the last two years.

The gap between projected growth and actual natural increase

Each bar shows how far actual natural increase (births minus deaths) ran ahead of or behind the population growth the official projection expected . Green: reality ahead of projection Red: reality behind projection

The two red waves have different causes: 1399 and 1400 are excess COVID deaths, while 1403 and 1404 are the accelerating fall in births. The gap could also be explained by net migration, differing fertility assumptions, or both; this sheet cannot separate them and we make no claim about which dominates.
YearProjected population increase (thousands)Actual natural increase (thousands)Gap (actual minus projected)Dominant explanation

A live population model to 1415 — change the assumptions yourself

The teal line is the official projection and stays fixed. The crimson line is this project's model: it starts from the actual 1404 figure and moves forward on births, deaths and migration alone. Move the three sliders below to see how sensitive the result is to those assumptions.

91,446
Official projection for 1415 (thousands)
87,657
Your model for 1415
3,789−
Difference from the official figure
1412
The year deaths overtake births
Official projection Moderated scenario: births falling −3.5% per year Your model
The −5.8% figure is the actual compound growth rate of births from 1395 to 1404. The +2.5% rate for deaths comes from the same period, and is consistent with the 1398–1404 rate of 2.56% , so it is not sensitive to the COVID years. These scenarios are not forecasts; they are sensitivity tests, and they show that the official projection holds only if the trend of the last decade stops.

Iran grows more urban because the countryside empties

In the official projection, the rural and non-settled population declines in every single one of the years from 1396 to 1415.

Urban areas Rural and non-settled areas Urbanisation rate (right axis)
Source: Statistical Center of Iran, national population projection. Figures in thousands.

DATA

The official projection implies a population increase of 601 thousand for 1404, while actual natural increase that year was 432 thousand — a gap of 169 thousand. In 1403 the gap was 111 thousand.

The projected annual population growth rate falls from 1.12% in 1397 to 0.36% in 1415. The rural population goes from 20.75 to 18.20 million (−12.3%).

ANALYSIS

The gap has two distinct origins and should not be read as one. The 1399 and 1400 gaps (+97 and +74 thousand) come from excess COVID deaths, an event no projection anticipated. The 1403 and 1404 gaps (+111 and +169 thousand) have a different source: births falling faster than the model assumed.

The scenarios show that if the current trend continues, natural increase reaches zero somewhere between 1412 (trend continuation) and 1415 (moderated scenario), and turns negative thereafter.

CONCLUSION

This is not a criticism of the Statistical Center's model; every demographic projection rests on assumptions and must be revised when reality moves. Our finding is that that moment has arrived: the gap has doubled in two years, and the cause is identifiable.

Practical implication: planning that relies on 91.4 million people in 1415 — from subsidy and water allocation to school capacity and pension funds — should also accommodate a lower scenario of roughly 88 to 89 million.

Conclusions

Two hourglasses emptying at once

This dashboard's argument is one sentence: Iran faces two constraints at the same time, and each makes the other worse. On one side the demographic engine is shutting down, and the inflow of workers will be smaller in the decades ahead. On the other, right now — while the working-age population is still growing — the economy has failed to absorb it, and the official unemployment rate has concealed that failure. The demographic window is closing before it was ever really opened.

1 · Change the indicator

In an economy with falling participation, the unemployment rate is a misleading measure. employment-to-population ratio and the absolute number of employed people should be the primary yardstick for employment policy. The former fell 0.3 pp in nine years.

2 · The largest reserve is women

28.7 million women aged 15+ are outside the labour force, even though women are the majority of university students. Returning women's participation merely to its 1397 level would add around 1.4 million people to the labour force.

3 · Take spring 1405 seriously

The first quarter in which jobs fell and unemployment rose together, with a clear origin in industry (−643 thousand jobs, estimated). It needs checking against the next two quarters, but its magnitude is unprecedented.

4 · Revise the projections

The gap between the official projection and actual natural increase has more than doubled in two years. Long-term planning should cover a scenario of 88 to 89 million in 1415, not only 91.4 million.

5 · The education clock rings first

The decline in school enrolment begins around 1405–1406 and, unlike the labour market, is close to certain — the children are already born. Surplus school capacity is an opportunity for reallocation, not a crisis.

6 · Where the two crises meet

Unless productivity and participation rise, a shrinking future workforce means lower output and compounding pressure on pension funds. The time to use the young population that already exists is now.

technical appendix

Data, method, corrections and transparency

Every figure presented here as a derived indicator appears in this section with its formula, assumptions and source. The aim is that any reader can reproduce each calculation independently.

1 · Data sources

All figures are extracted from the "Population and Human Resources" sheet of the Macroeconomic and Social Indicators of Iran workbook. The raw file is published alongside this project and can be downloaded here . No external data has been added. The agency responsible for each table, as stated in the file itself, is listed below with a link to its official site:

  • Statistical Center of Iran amar.org.ir — national population projection to 1415; average household size; population aged 15+ by activity status; participation rate; unemployment for all ages, 15–24 and 18–35; employment ratio; share of major economic sectors in employment. Labour data come from the Center's Labour Force Survey.
  • National Organization for Civil Registration sabteahval.ir — registered births and deaths by sex and by urban/rural area; registered marriages and divorces, annual and quarterly.
  • Ministry of Education medu.ir — school enrolment by gender and educational stage.
  • Ministry of Science, Research and Technology msrt.ir — higher-education students and graduates by field of study and gender. Institutions under the Ministry of Health are included in these same tables.

The cleaned dataset this dashboard runs on can be downloaded from the buttons at the foot of this page as JSON and CSV , so that every figure here can be checked independently.

2 · Data cleaning and corrections

Before any analysis, every table with a "total = male + female" or "total = urban + rural" structure was tested automatically for consistency. The test found nine inconsistencies. Five were corrected on conclusive internal evidence; the rest were flagged and left untouched. No correction affects any national total; all of them concern internal components.

#Series and itemValue in fileCorrected valueEvidenceAction
1Births 1395 — male, national 766,142786,142 Urban male + rural male = 605,523 + 180,619 = 786,142. The corrected value also moves the sex ratio at birth from 103.3 (outside the natural range) to 106.0, consistent with 106.1 in 1396. Corrected
2Births 1396 — rural total 344,355344,365 Rural male + rural female = 177,029 + 167,336 = 344,365; urban + rural then matches the national total exactly. Corrected
3Deaths, winter 1404 — urban total 908,86690,866 One extra digit; urban male + female = 53,410 + 37,456 = 90,866. The published value is eight times the entire quarter's deaths. Corrected
4Deaths, winter 1404 — rural total 23,80522,805 Rural male + female = 12,093 + 10,712 = 22,805. After this correction, 90,866 + 22,805 = 113,671, exactly the quarter's total. Corrected
5Deaths, summer 1404 — rural total 25,53123,531 Rural male + female = 12,403 + 11,128 = 23,531; and 91,141 + 23,531 = 114,672, the quarter's total. Corrected
6Deaths 1395 — breakdown by sex (all three areas) Male 161,774
Female 207,884
— The male-to-female death ratio in 1395 is 0.78, whereas from 1396 to 1404 it stays between 1.20 and 1.30. The inversion occurs simultaneously in the national, urban and rural rows — the clear signature of two transposed columns. Lacking conclusive evidence, we did not correct it. Flagged
7Unemployment rate, aged 18–35, 1395 26.8%— A 7.1 pp fall in a single year (to 19.7% in 1396), while the 15–24 group fell only 1.0 pp and the whole population only 0.3 pp. A sign of a definitional break or recording error rather than real change. Excluded from trend analysis
8Death totals by sex, 1395 to 1401 Discrepancy of 12 to 93— Male + female always falls slightly short of the total. Our reading: records of unknown sex. The discrepancy is under 0.03% and reaches zero from 1402 onward. Left as published
9Population projection — sum of components Discrepancy ±1 thousand— In 16 rows the components sum to one thousand more or less than the total. This is rounding to the nearest thousand, not an error. Left as published

Some quarterly row labels in the file carried a trailing space (for example "Spring 1404 "), which was normalised before joining tables. The "pre-primary" row in the enrolment table is recorded as "000", read as "not available" and excluded from the calculations.

3 · Derived indicators and how they are computed

a) Participation-adjusted unemployment — this project's central indicator

The question: if the participation rate had stayed at its base-year level (base), with the same actual number of employed people, what would the unemployment rate be?

A*t = Pt × rbase   ← counterfactual labour force
U*t = ( A*t − Et ) / A*t = 1 − Et / ( Pt × rbase )
Ht = A*t − At   ← hidden unemployed

where P is the population aged 15+, E the employed population, A the published labour force and r the participation rate. Worked example for 1404 with a 1395 base (43.2%): A* = 66,148 × 0.432 = 28,576 thousand; U* = 1 − 24,822 / 28,576 = 13.14%; hidden unemployed = 28,576 − 26,837 = 1,739 thousand.

Limitation: this indicator does not assume everyone who left is truly unemployed. Part of the fall in participation may reflect more education, retirement, or an ageing population structure. U* should therefore be read as an upper bound on true unemployment and U as a lower bound. The analytical message is the distance between them.

b) Gender breakdown of the 15+ population and employment (analytical estimate)

The file does not publish the 15+ population by gender, but it does give men's and women's employment ratios. The breakdown can be reconstructed by solving a single-unknown equation:

rm·Pm + rf·(P − Pm) = E   ⟹   Pm = ( E − rf·P ) / ( rm − rf )

For 1404 with P = 66,148, E = 24,822, rm = 63.8%, rf = 11.4%: 32,979 thousand men and 33,169 thousand women; 21,041 thousand employed men and 3,781 thousand employed women ⟹ women's share of employment 15.2%.

Independent validation: the breakdown was reconstructed using the gender-specific participation rates and Unemployment rate — which were not used in the calculation: the reconstructed labour force comes to 26,837.5 against a published 26,837 (error 0.002%) and reconstructed unemployment to 2,010 against 2,014 (error 0.19%). This agreement indicates the estimated breakdown is reliable.

c) Sector employment and the spring 1405 shock
Es,t = shares,t × Et

Spring 1404: 33.0% × 25,123 = 8,291; spring 1405: 31.0% × 24,672 = 7,648 ⟹ change −643 thousand.

Rounding error: shares are published to one decimal place (±0.05 ), equivalent to roughly ±12 thousand people. The change observed in industry is 50 times that error, but smaller changes (agriculture +58 thousand) should be read cautiously.

d) Potential primary-school entry cohort
Ct = Σi=0..5 Bt+i   ← sum of six consecutive years of births

Comparing C(1395) = 7,808,954 with C(1399) = 6,235,729 ⟹ −20.1% across a four-year shift of the window.

Assumptions: near-universal enrolment, negligible child mortality, zero net migration. This calculation does not forecast the level of future enrolment — only the relative shrinkage of cohorts, which is highly insensitive to those assumptions.

e) Population scenarios and the birth–death crossover
Bt+1 = Bt·(1+gb)  ·  Dt+1 = Dt·(1+gd)  ·  Pt+1 = Pt + Bt+1 − Dt+1
t* = ln(B0/D0) / ln( (1+gd) / (1+gb) )   ← crossover year

gb = −5.80% is the actual compound growth rate of births over 1395–1404, and gd = +2.46% the equivalent for deaths; the death figure is confirmed by computing the post-COVID period (1398–1404: 2.56%). The moderated scenario halves the fall in births (−3.5%) to allow for the possible effect of support policies and a floor on fertility. Crossover: 1412 (trend continuation) to 1415 (moderated). Net migration is assumed zero in both scenarios.

4 · What we do not claim

  • We do not claim the official statistics are wrong. The Statistical Center's definition of unemployment is the ILO international standard. Our critique concerns the adequacy of that indicator for this economy, not its correctness.
  • We do not claim all 5.5 million who stayed inactive want work. Some are certainly students, elderly or retired.
  • We do not claim the Statistical Center's projection is wrong. We say its assumptions have drifted from the last two years of data and warrant revision.
  • The extrapolated scenarios are not forecasts; they are sensitivity tests and are highly sensitive to the assumption that the trend continues.
  • The spring 1405 analysis rests on a single quarter. It is a solid finding but needs confirmation from subsequent quarters.
  • No causal relationship is claimed; the marriage–birth correlation is a time-lagged association, not proof of causation.

5 · Tools and workflow

  • Extraction and testing: a Python script using openpyxl read the sheet, and an automated consistency test was run over every table with a "total = components" structure. The nine inconsistencies reported in section 2 are the output of that test.
  • Calculations: every derived indicator was computed in code and checked by cross-validation (section 3b). No figure is quoted from memory; all are computed from the file itself.
  • Implementation: the charts are drawn as raw SVG with no external library, so the file works fully offline.

Responsibility for the accuracy of the data, calculations and inferences rests with the author, Milad Shabani. That is why every key figure in section 3 is shown with its formula and inputs, so it can be audited.

6 · Reproducibility

The cleaned dataset this dashboard runs on is embedded in this very file. You can extract it:

This page is a self-contained HTML file: no external library for the charts, no software to install, and mobile-friendly. The only external resource is the web font, which falls back to a system font offline with nothing breaking.